He visited Costa Rica, Panama, and Ecuador, and worked as an editor for several radical newspapers. After briefly returning home, he proceeded to England, where contacts with African nationalists stimulated in him a keen interest in Africa and in black history. In each country he visited, he noted that the black man was in an inferior position, subject to the ever-changing ideals of stronger races.
His reading of Booker T. Washington's — "Up from Slavery" at this time had a great effect upon him. Garvey began writing for Ali's small magazines and was introduced to other black activists. These organizations were intended "to work for the general uplift of the Negro peoples of the world," and would become the centrepiece for his life's work.
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Garvey was content at first to preach accommodation to the system of colonial rule. He aspired to open an industrial and agricultural training school modelled on Booker T. After writing to acquaint Washington with his efforts in Jamaica, Garvey was invited by Washington to come to the United States.
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Washington died in , however, before Garvey could leave Jamaica. If Garvey went to Tuskegee to pay his respect to the great Washington, who had been such an inspiration, as well as to pay homage to the beacon of black progress and achievement that was Tuskegee Institute, the visit also marked, in historical terms, a changing of the guard.
Up to that point, he had been a follower of Washington in espousing racial accommodation as well as the eschewal of politics. Arriving totally unheralded and unknown in America, Garvey was about to become his own man. He would take the black world by storm, and it would never be the same afterward. Black discontent, punctuated by East St. Not long after his arrival, Garvey quietly organized a chapter of the Universal Negro Improvement Association UNIA , which functioned as a benevolent fraternal organization.
Within a few years of this humble beginning, Garvey rose rapidly to become the best-known, most controversial, and for millions, the most attractive and compelling of a new generation of black leaders. Drawing on a gift for electrifying oratory, Garvey melded Jamaican peasant aspirations for economic and cultural independence with the American gospel of success to create a new gospel of racial pride. The UNIA gave this doctrine of racial enterprise a tangible symbol that captured black imaginations when it launched the Black Star shipping line.
By the UNIA had hundreds of divisions worldwide. It hosted elaborate international conventions and published the Negro World, a widely disseminated weekly that was soon banned in many parts of Africa and the Caribbean. During the annual UNIA international conventions, the streets boasted colourful parades led by a regal Garvey, poised in an open car and wearing the plumed hat that became his indelible trademark.
Scramble for Africa
Many divisions still met as late as the s; a few remain active even today. By the late s, however, the movement had begun to unravel under the strain of internal dissension, opposition from black critics, and government harassment. The French thrust into the African interior was mainly from the coasts of West Africa modern day Senegal eastward, through the Sahel along the southern border of the Sahara, a huge desert covering most of present-day Senegal , Mali , Niger , and Chad. Their ultimate aim was to have an uninterrupted colonial empire from the Niger River to the Nile, thus controlling all trade to and from the Sahel region, by virtue of their existing control over the Caravan routes through the Sahara.
The British, on the other hand, wanted to link their possessions in Southern Africa modern South Africa, Botswana , Zimbabwe , Lesotho , Swaziland , and Zambia , with their territories in East Africa modern Kenya , and these two areas with the Nile basin. The Sudan which in those days included most of present-day Uganda was the key to the fulfillment of these ambitions, especially since Egypt was already under British control. This "red line" through Africa is made most famous by Cecil Rhodes.
Along with Lord Milner , the British colonial minister in South Africa, Rhodes advocated such a "Cape to Cairo" empire, linking the Suez Canal to the mineral-rich Southern part of the continent by rail. Though hampered by German occupation of Tanganyika until the end of World War I, Rhodes successfully lobbied on behalf of such a sprawling African empire. If one draws a line from Cape Town to Cairo Rhodes's dream , and one from Dakar to the Horn of Africa now Ethiopia , Eritrea , Djibouti and Somalia , the French ambition , these two lines intersect somewhere in eastern Sudan near Fashoda , explaining its strategic importance.
In short, Britain had sought to extend its East African empire contiguously from Cairo to the Cape of Good Hope , while France had sought to extend its own holdings from Dakar to the Sudan, which would enable its empire to span the entire continent from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea. A French force under Jean-Baptiste Marchand arrived first at the strategically located fort at Fashoda, soon followed by a British force under Lord Kitchener , commander in chief of the British Army since The French withdrew after a standoff and continued to press claims to other posts in the region.
In March , the French and British agreed that the source of the Nile and Congo Rivers should mark the frontier between their spheres of influence. Although the —85 Berlin Conference had set the rules for the Scramble for Africa, it had not weakened the rival imperialists. The Fashoda Incident, which had seen France and the British Empire on the brink of war, ultimately led to the signature of the Entente Cordiale of , which countered the influence of the European powers of the Triple Alliance.
As a result, the new German Empire decided to test the solidity of such influence, using the contested territory of Morocco as a battlefield. France's influence in Morocco had been reaffirmed by Britain and Spain in But by July Germany was becoming isolated and the French agreed to a conference to solve the crisis. Both France and Germany continued to posture up until the conference, with Germany mobilizing reserve army units in late December and France actually moving troops to the border in January The Algeciras Conference was called to settle the dispute.
Of the thirteen nations present, the German representatives found their only supporter was Austria-Hungary. The Germans eventually accepted an agreement, signed on 31 May , whereby France yielded certain domestic changes in Morocco but retained control of key areas. When the British heard of the Panther' s arrival in Morocco, they wrongly believed that the Germans meant to turn Agadir into a naval base on the Atlantic. The German move was aimed at reinforcing claims for compensation for acceptance of effective French control of the North African kingdom, where France's pre-eminence had been upheld by the Algeciras Conference.
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In November a convention was signed under which Germany accepted France's position in Morocco in return for territory in the French Equatorial African colony of Middle Congo now the Republic of the Congo. France and Spain subsequently established a full protectorate over Morocco 30 March , ending what remained of the country's formal independence.
Furthermore, British backing for France during the two Moroccan crises reinforced the Entente between the two countries and added to Anglo-German estrangement, deepening the divisions that would culminate in the First World War. Following the Berlin Conference at the end of the 19th century, the British , Italians , and Ethiopians sought to claim lands owned by the Somalis such as the Warsangali Sultanate , the Ajuran Sultanate and the Gobroon Dynasty.
The Dervish movement was a state established by Mohammed Abdullah Hassan , a Somali religious leader who gathered Muslim soldiers from across the Horn of Africa and united them into a loyal army known as the Dervishes. This Dervish army enabled Hassan to carve out a powerful state through conquest of lands sought after by the Ethiopians and the European powers.
The Dervish movement successfully repulsed the British Empire four times and forced it to retreat to the coastal region. The Turks also named Hassan Emir of the Somali nation,  and the Germans promised to officially recognise any territories the Dervishes were to acquire. After a quarter of a century of holding the British at bay, the Dervishes were finally defeated in as a direct consequence of Britain's use of aircraft.
Between and , Germany's colonies in German South-West Africa and German East Africa were rocked by separate, contemporaneous native revolts against their rule. In both territories the threat to German rule was quickly defeated once large-scale reinforcements from Germany arrived, with the Herero rebels in German South-West Africa being defeated at the Battle of Waterberg and the Maji-Maji rebels in German East Africa being steadily crushed by German forces slowly advancing through the countryside, with the natives resorting to guerrilla warfare.
German efforts to clear the bush of civilians in German South-West Africa then resulted in a genocide of the population. Characteristic of this genocide was death by starvation and the poisoning of the population's wells whilst they were trapped in the Namib Desert. In its earlier stages, imperialism was generally the act of individual explorers as well as some adventurous merchantmen. The colonial powers were a long way from approving without any dissent the expensive adventures carried out abroad.
Various important political leaders, such as Gladstone , opposed colonisation in its first years. However, during his second premiership between and he could not resist the colonial lobby in his cabinet, and thus did not execute his electoral promise to disengage from Egypt.
Although Gladstone was personally opposed to imperialism, the social tensions caused by the Long Depression pushed him to favor jingoism : the imperialists had become the "parasites of patriotism " John A. Clemenceau actually made Jules Ferry 's cabinet fall after the Tonkin disaster. According to Hannah Arendt in The Origins of Totalitarianism , this expansion of national sovereignty on overseas territories contradicted the unity of the nation state which provided citizenship to its population.
Africans Before the Atlantic Slave Trade
Thus, a tension between the universalist will to respect human rights of the colonised people, as they may be considered as "citizens" of the nation state, and the imperialist drive to cynically exploit populations deemed inferior began to surface. Colonial lobbies emerged to legitimise the Scramble for Africa and other expensive overseas adventures.
In Germany, France, and Britain, the middle class often sought strong overseas policies to ensure the market's growth. Even in lesser powers, voices like Enrico Corradini claimed a "place in the sun" for so-called "proletarian nations", bolstering nationalism and militarism in an early prototype of fascism. However, by the end of World War I the colonial empires had become very popular almost everywhere in Europe: public opinion had been convinced of the needs of a colonial empire, although most of the metropolitans would never see a piece of it.
Colonial exhibitions had been instrumental in this change of popular mentalities brought about by the colonial propaganda , supported by the colonial lobby and by various scientists.